Hatip Dicle

Ladies and Gentlemen;

Please allow me to extend my warmest greetings to you all. It is a source of joy for me, for the second time, to participate in an international conference prepared within the European Parliament where the Kurdish question yet again is the focus. I would like to especially thank those who have prepared the conference and made it possible for me to be present for the second time.

60 years ago, Europe was one of the bloodiest areas of the world, struggling with ethnic, religious-sects and class conflicts. However, a great democratic advance began in Europe, starting from the second half of the 20th century, which transformed it into an attractive centre - symbolised by humanity and universal values. This huge step forward was the creation of the European Union.  It has not only given hope to those who strive for progression, democracy and freedom but has created a deep expectation and excitement for the Kurdish people. The Kurdish people have been through many tragedies in the last 200 years in the Middle-East, related to a permanent resolution of the question. This is why the Kurds place utmost value on the states in the Middle-East, within whose boundaries they live, following the path of Europe and democratising; and especially for the relationship between Turkey and the EU to develop and strengthen.

It is widely known that the Kurds are one of the otokton peoples of the Middle-East. According to archaeological and ethnological findings, the ancestors of the Kurds created civilisations and contributed to the development of human kind within the Kurdistan regions, where the majority of Kurds still live and have done for the last 12 thousand years. With a population of about 40 million, they are one of the main ethnic groups living in the Middle-East, alongside the Arabs, Persians and Turks. The majority of Kurds live within the state borders of Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria. Undoubtedly the Kurds have varying problems within each of these states. During the last few years important political steps have been taken in order to solve the Kurdish problem within Iraq through a democratic federal structure. The problems of the Kurdish people within Turkey, Iran and Syria remain unresolved as a result of the persistence of the oppressive and unlawful policies of the state governments. However, these differing problems and structures require different solutions in accordance with the conditions within each state. If these states abandon their policies of denial and annihilation, it is widely accepted amongst the Kurds that the Kurdish question can be solved in a democratic and peaceful manner, without having to alter state Borders if one takes account of each country’s characteristics. This opinion is realistic. It is based on scientific findings and takes the present situation of the world and the Middle-East into account.

Presently, the majority of the Kurdish population live in Turkey. Kurds, who number between 15-20 million according to the European Commission Report of 6 October 2004, have participated as a fundamental founding element in the building of the Republic, along with the Turks, when the foundations of the Republic of Turkey began on the ruins of the Ottoman Empire. However, the Constitution of 1924 denied their identity, language, culture and political rights and the Kurds became subject to concentrated, forceful assimilation under the Turkish ethnic identity. These policies of rejection and denial have triggered the Kurdish rebellions. The violent and bloody state led repression of these uprisings has exacerbated the problem. The last of the uprisings, the movement led by the PKK and named by the state officials to be the “29th Kurdish rebellion”, occurred on 12th September 1980 after the military dictatorship’s intensive oppression of the Kurdish people. It represents the final link of this vicious circle of denial, rebellion and oppression. However, time has shown us clearly that this vicious circle is not the solution for either side. The solution cannot be found within a policy of “kill or be killed” but within the philosophy of “live and let live”. The latter is the current approach of the Kurdish people.

The Kurds of Turkey who are conscious of this reality, do not see the “Turkish” upper identity, which is stated in all constitutions of the Republic of Turkey and to be the framework in which unity and wholeness can be sustained. Instead Kurds evaluate the expression “Nation of Turkey” and constitutional citizenship, just as it is in America, Spain and Switzerland, to be the encompassing framework that will serve democratic resolution and peoples’ fraternity. The Kurdish people desire this approach and the framework of a universal law and constitution where the Kurdish people’s language and cultural rights must be secured. As a consequence of this, the 1982 Constitution, which is the product of the 12 September military dictatorship, has to be changed. Kurds expect the preparation and implementation of a new, contemporary, democratic and free constitution which recognises their identity and which guarantees their right to use their language in educational institutions and the media. In addition the Kurds claim the right to establish associations, organisations and political parties in order to express and defend their culture and political demands. In the short term though, there is a need to deepen and spread democracy instead of the unitary structure present today. It should be noted that in order to create genuine democratic elections, the Kurdish parties must be eligible and the electoral threshold should therefore be dropped to 5%. Kurdish representation in the parliament would be a step toward true democracy and would make the resolution of the Kurdish question much easier.

Ladies and Gentlemen;

We should all remember the15 years of painful war which has resulted from the unresolved Kurdish question in Turkey. During this war about 40 thousand soldiers, police and guerrillas have lost their lives. Four thousand Kurdish villages have been evacuated and burnt down. Approximately 5 thousand civilian Kurds have been killed by Para-military forces with links to the state. Tens of thousands of Kurds have been imprisoned and tortured. It is quite clear that such a conflict cannot be evaluated simply with a reference to “Terror”. It should not be forgotten that immediately after the leader of the PKK, Mr Öcalan, was handed over to Turkey in 1999, a unilateral cease-fire was declared. Despite all expectations, Mr Öcalan requested that the majority of the Kurdish armed forces leave the borders of Turkey. This has led to a decrease in armed conflicts and has created a positive political atmosphere in which a peaceful democratic resolution of the Kurdish question might be found.

The ceasefire has created a better political atmosphere where the EU–Turkey relationship can prosper. Turkey has made great headway in resolving its economic problems. Very important steps towards democratisation have been taken. However final brave steps that will resolve the Kurdish question in a more fundamental way and mend the wounds of the period of war have not yet been taken. Just as we have seen in a number of other countries with similar social and political problems, Turkey should have offered an unconditional “Social Peace and Democratic Participation Law” which would have encouraged the armed Kurdish youths in the mountains, those in prison, those abroad and also the political exiles to participate in democratic political life. On the contrary, the increase in military operations against the guerrillas since spring 2004 has led to an increase in the number of clashes, deaths and social tension. The isolation and oppressive policy against Mr Öcalan, kept as a sole inmate in Imrali, has further escalated the tension on the Kurdish side. I would like to remind you with sadness of the inclusion of Kongra-Gel in the European Union and the USA’s list of terrorist organisations.  This has strengthened the denial and annihilationist faction within the Turkish state and is an important factor in the increase of military operations. The Prime Minister Mr Tayyip Erdogan’s recent statements and his declaration that the Kurdish question can only be resolved through a democratic republic, created a cautious optimism amongst Kurds. The Kurdish democratic opposition declared in return that it will support the government in its democratic steps. Kongra-Gel appealed its armed forces to take a decision of “No Action” between 20th  August and 20th  September 2005. They further declared that if the army ended its military operations they would re-evaluate the situation at the end of the cease fire. However, within this period guerrilla bodies (cenaze) continued to be brought down from the mountains, the isolation of Mr Öcalan deepened and the oppressive stance against peaceful Kurdish political demonstrations continued. The world turned a blind eye to the lynch campaigns that were carried out by chauvinistic Turkish sections of society against the Kurds. This stance has become a source of deep anxiety for the Kurds, Turkish intellectuals and democratic circles that regard non-violence as the vital step for the resolution of the Kurdish issue. These democratic sections of society expected the government to take urgent action on these matters.

Without a doubt, the creation of a non-violent environment is a vital, first step in the resolution of the Kurdish question. If this is possible then it will be much easier to end the village guard system, which is a consequence of the war, and facilitate the necessary administrative, legal, economic and social measures needed for the safe return of villagers to their evacuated villages. In addition, mobilisation for economic development should begin in Kurdistan to address the negative affects of the war. Through encouragement and different measures, the economy should be revitalised and the economic prosperity of the Kurdish people should be raised. In order to put everyone’s conscience at rest, approximately five thousand extra-judicial political murders which mainly occurred in larger cities during wartime should be investigated and those responsible identified and sentenced according to a democratic legal system. 

Dear participants;

I would especially like to say that the Kurds hope for the support and effort of all its friends, peace-loving people and organisations in the provision of a non-violent environment where a just, permanent and peaceful resolution of the Kurdish question can be achieved on the basis of equality and voluntary unification in Turkey. I would like to underline that Kurds have great expectations too of the European Union on this matter. The EU can play a crucial part in facilitating and encouraging the resolution of the Kurdish issue. The Kurds strongly supported the EU’s decision to commence full membership talks with Turkey. During the commencement of accession talks on the 3 October 2005, the Kurds expect that the EU takes the Kurdish people’s democratic demands into consideration.  The Kurds also believe that the strengthening of EU-Turkey relations will serve the development of peace and democracy in the Middle-East and the world.

With these thoughts and feelings I once again greet you all and hope that this conference will be successful and fruitful.

19 September 2005
Hatip Dicle